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PUTIN HEADS TO BEIJING AFTER TRUMP COURTS XI: CHINA'S MOMENT?
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Beijing presents itself as the indispensable axis of a reconfigured global order, hosting Trump and Putin in the same week to assert its position as a pivot power between Washington and Moscow.
Dominant angle identified — does not reflect unanimity of this country’s media
Beijing, May 18, 2026. In the space of a week, Xi Jinping has received successively Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin in the Chinese capital - a first in contemporary diplomatic history outside a multilateral framework. For the South China Morning Post, which covers the event from Hong Kong, the sequence is not coincidental: it marks the crystallization of a new role for China, that of gravitational center of global diplomacy.
The dominant analysis in Beijing's media rejects the interpretation that made China a power caught between a revisionist Russia and hostile United States. This reading is now 'obsolete', says a SCMP editorialist. Beijing no longer seeks to balance two rival poles; it affirms itself as the axis around which these poles must pivot. Zheng Yongnian, a Chinese government advisor, has formulated the thesis without hesitation: after Trump's visit, Washington would have 'clearly' understood that the United States 'cannot defeat China' and must instead engage with a strengthened China.
Putin's visit takes place in this charged context. Moscow seeks to understand what was said at Zhongnanhai and the Great Hall of the People. Any recalibration in Sino-American relations - on tariffs, semiconductors, sanctions, rare earths, or Taiwan - modifies the strategic environment of Russia. The Kremlin knows that China is not only a commercial partner: it is Moscow's economic lifeline, its diplomatic shield, and its strategic rear base. China represents over a third of Russia's imports and absorbs over a quarter of Moscow's exports, making it Russia's top commercial partner.
On the agenda of the Putin-Xi summit is the Power of Siberia 2 gas pipeline, which the Kremlin intends to discuss 'in great detail'. The Chinese Foreign Ministry's spokesperson, Guo Jiakun, has stated that the two parties will continue to 'take the China-Russia relationship to a deeper and higher level, injecting more stability and positive energy into the world'.
From the American side, the reaction in Congress reveals a persistent fracture: while Democrats and Republicans now agree on the strategic rivalry with Beijing, they diverge on the means. Democratic senators like Chuck Schumer and Elizabeth Warren have warned against any economic agreement concluded 'at the expense' of US security commitments to Taiwan.
China-centric framing: coverage consistently presents China as the natural arbiter and indispensable pivot, without questioning the limits of this role
Preference for China's asserted power: analyses valorize Beijing's strategic advantage without addressing internal tensions or the risks of overextension in diplomacy
Limited coverage of Taiwan concerns: Congressional warnings on Taiwan are mentioned but the concrete implications for Beijing remain underdeveloped
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